- Feb 25: Should Britain offer sanctuary to Ukrainians fleeing the war? The Home Office says refugees should stay in the first safe country they reach. But Nottingham's Ukrainian community hopes the UK will agree to do more. #bbcnewssix
- Feb 28: Asked today if Ukrainian pensioner refugee Valentina Rumyantsyeva could come to London on the Eurostar having been turned back on Saturday, the Home Secretary said 'yes'. But the UK Home Office has since told me she is still not eligible to join her daughter.
- Mar 1: Someone from the UK Home Office contacted Ukrainian refugee Valentina in Paris after my piece last night promising she would get a visa to the UK. Still nothing in writing. But on what basis? The current rules mean she remains ineligible. Compassion or desperate PR?
- Mar 1: UK government to ask the public to sponsor a Ukrainian refugee. Reluctant to put money into a conventional resettlement scheme, the UK Home Office is looking at #BigSociety to help out. Will it work?
- Mar 1: "Leave to enter outside of the rules!" Valentyna Klymova, in the yellow beret, now has her visa to come to London. She is tired, relieved and delighted she has helped the UK Home Office become more generous to refugees. #bbcnewssix
- Mar 1: Valentina has arrived at St Pancras, wrapped in the Ukrainian flag as passengers gave her a round of applause. #bbcnewsten
- Mar 3: Ukrainian refugee Valentyna arrived in London on Tuesday to join her daughter, her visa stating she had 'leave to enter outside the rules'. But rules allowing other parents, grandparents, adult children and siblings to seek sanctuary here don't start until tomorrow.
- Mar 4: On Tuesday Priti Patel said Ukrainian refugees with family in the UK could stay for a year. Today the UK Home Office increased the limit to 3 years, matching the EU offer (although EU doesn't demand family ties). Still playing catch-up?
- Mar 6: The only UK visa application centre in Ukraine at Lviv has closed, according to the UK Home Office website. Guidance changing by the hour (see below) causing confusion consternation for those fleeing the war.
- Mar 6: In a letter to Priti Patel, French interior minister Gerald Darmanin says that 150 Ukrainian refugees have been turned back at Calais by Border Force officials, accusing the Home Secretary of a "lack of humanity" and a "completely unsuitable" response.
- Mar 6: Priti Patel has responded to Gerald Darmanin: “Let me just correct what has been said by the French government. The British government is not turning anybody back at all”.
- Mar 7: What did Priti Patel mean when she told The Sun “I’m urgently escalating our response … to create a humanitarian route” for Ukrainian refugees”? Downing Street insists nothing has changed but the UK Home Office says a new route IS being worked on. #confusion
- Mar 7: Ukrainian refugees stuck in Calais tell me there’s a gap as wide as the English Channel between the supportive rhetoric of the UK government and their experience on the ground.
Monday, 7 March 2022
More on Mark Easton
Saturday, 5 March 2022
The BBC and the Russian invasion of Ukraine [and an EXCLUSIVE behind-the-scenes glimpse of an ITBB discussion]
The Chinese strategist Sun Tzu talked about building your opponent a golden bridge to retreat across. In the Cuban Missile Crisis - the closest the world has come to nuclear disaster in 1961 - the deal there after the Soviets put missiles into Cuba was that the US move missiles out of Turkey. Now, of course, the things are not...you know, you can't directly transfer the idea, but the point is, there needs to be in all these crises, to finish them, a face saving deal. Otherwise, the two sides tend to fight until one side wins or both are exhausted, which is a catastrophe for the countries affected by that, as we've seen in the Middle East extensively.
BBC reporters like Lyse being more emotional than usual was one of the topic on Samira Ahmed's Newswatch this week, asking: How new is it? Does it help or hinder the viewer's understanding?
The fact that it featured a particularly toe-curling example of heart-tugging purple prose from Fergal Keane [‘On platform 6, a father's farewell to his infant son. What cannot be held must be let go. Until another day’] shows where that kind of thing probably began at the BBC, with the likes of him and Orla Guerin - and Jezza Bowen, with his endlessly-repeated, embittered, personalised memories of a particular moment involving Israel and his unfortunate friend.
Even John Simpson cried recently - though he told Samira Ahmed that he's not proud of doing so and it won't happen again.
So, as you can see, I've actually watched a BBC programme now.
Sunday, 20 February 2022
Ukrainian affairs
Is it really possible that, in the BBC’s vast and costly apparatus of reporters, editors, producers, fact-checkers and bureaucrats, not one person spotted the problem? If so, we are dealing with Olympic-level incompetence.
But it is my suspicion that something else is going on. The generation that kept the BBC relatively impartial is fast dying off. Those who remain have accepted a large number of contentious opinions as facts.
One of these opinions is the ridiculous cartoon idea that Russia is like Mordor in Lord Of The Rings, an utterly evil country ruled by a Dark Monster. And that Ukraine, its current enemy, is by contrast a shining Utopia, pluckily defending itself against the orc-like hordes of Moscow. This explains why the BBC were so keen to use this film, in which a Brave Granny Gets Her Gun. ‘Brave Granny Gets Her Gun From Some Neo-Nazis’ is not quite the same, is it?
He ends by arguing that “if we are going to interfere in this very complex problem, then we are going to need to tell each other the truth about it”. Including the BBC.
UPDATE - Meanwhile, an old blog favourite has roared back in this morning, smearing away:
John Sweeney: Peter Hitchens says that Ukraine has "quite a few Nazis." So does UK. But President Zelenskiy is Jewish, something he does not mention. Peter Hitchens is Putin's man. Happy to debate this, Hitchens Minor, in person. I'm in Kyiv. And you?Peter Hitchens: John Sweeney, you are incapable of debate, as you proved during the great panic with your repeated untruths. Why am I not surprised that you have attached yourself to the latest liberal fad?John Sweeney: Vladimir Putin has the knout, the whip, the tanks and Peter Hitchens. Ukraine is a democracy. Once again, Peter, you're welcome to come to Kyiv and we can debate in person. But don't call a nation pro-Nazi when it has a Jewish President. Unless, of course, you are Moscow's man.Peter Hitchens: I know you won't read my replies, because your mind is shut, but others might. I have not 'called a nation pro-Nazi'. Mainly I have pointed out that the BBC has failed to report that there are neo-Nazis in Ukraine. My actual words: 'One of the roots of the Russia-Ukraine problem is, alas, the existence of some very crude and nasty factions of Ukrainian nationalism, many of them unblushing neo-Nazis. Of course there are plenty of perfectly civilised Ukrainian patriots, but bigoted racialist thugs have an influence way beyond their numbers in that country'. I am a British patriot and defend the interests of my own country, no other.
Friday, 10 December 2021
Razia Iqbal sticks up for Joe Biden
Just heard a BBC presenter slapping down the ex head of Estonian's army for noting that Putin's threats to the Ukraine had parallels to the Hitler pre WW2. Why? This situation could quite easily escalate. It's brinkmanship at the moment, but that's still a very dangerous game.
Saturday, 24 March 2018
Where John Sweeney rushes in...
Oh no! Has Newsnight's notorious Graphics department got at this Steve Rosenberg photo too? |
Samira Ahmed: Well, Steve Rosenberg joins me now on the line from Moscow. Steve, you do give us the Kremlin's side of the story. And as we just heard in those e-mails, some viewers fear that it gives them credibility. How do you answer that?
Steve Rosenberg: Well, I consider my job as the BBC's Moscow correspondent to tell viewers in Britain and around the world what Moscow is thinking. This is a very confusing story and I think it is important to listen to what the Russians are saying. They have a range of arguments. And I think then I have to use my experience of living and working in Russia - and I have been here for 23 years, not with the BBC all that time - but to use my experience to examine what the Russians are saying and to try to cut through all of that and give my interpretation, my opinion, about what is going on here. As I say, it is a very confused story but I think it is important to present the Russian perspective on it.
Samira Ahmed: We saw you on the campaign trail asking quite a tough question of Putin. Was that a difficult, even scary, thing to do?
Steve Rosenberg: I wouldn't say it was a scary decision. It was quite a challenging thing to do because normally question and answer sessions with President Putin are heavily controlled. We were covering him on the campaign trail, we found ourselves in a position physically where we were able to pop a question to him and it was the question that really everyone wanted to ask at the moment. Journalistically, I think it was the right thing to do. And the thing about Vladimir Putin, whether you like him or hate him, whatever you think of him, you know, he has no trouble answering questions.
Samira Ahmed: As you mentioned, you have been in Russia for 23 years. One wonders how hard it is to report there now, and how it compares to reporting from there in the past.
Steve Rosenberg: I think one thing that we can't always get into our short two-minute news reports but I think it is important to say is that if you go outside the bureau here, Moscow seems like a normal European city. We don't get the feeling that we're being followed by people in long raincoats with trilby hats and that we're being watched constantly. So, in that sense, we don't feel greater pressure now. Having said that, we have been harassed while covering controversial stories, sensitive stories, and this didn't happen, say, ten years ago.
Samira Ahmed: One does wonder how much real political opposition there is in Russia, including from ordinary citizens.
Steve Rosenberg: It's an interesting question. Vladimir Putin has just been re-elected with a landslide victory and it's clear that, although this was not a level playing field, this election, and only those candidates who posed no serious challenge to Vladimir Putin were allowed to take part, many Russians do support Vladimir Putin - some because they really like his sort of muscle-flexing, his strong-arm tactics, his anti-Western rhetoric. There are other people who support him because they fear change. Many Russians fear change. They don't want life to get worse than it is now and they fear picking a new president.
Samira Ahmed: You talked about being on the campaign trail for this election. How did it compare to covering a Western election?
Steve Rosenberg: Well, it's not like a Western election. As I said before, only those candidates who didn't threaten Vladimir Putin were allowed to take part. Russia's most prominent opposition figure, Alexei Navalny, he was barred from taking part in the election. And then you look at the amount of airtime that was given to President Putin on Russian television ahead of the election - he had far more airtime than all of the other candidates put together, and all of the coverage of Putin was very positive. So, you know, in that sense, no, this is not like a Western election.
Samira Ahmed: The Russian authorities have been particularly critical of the British media. Do you worry about your safety at all?
Steve Rosenberg: I have not worried up till this point. As I say, walking around Moscow right now, it feels pretty normal. You go into the coffee shop, you get happy smiley faces serving you. And although there is - I have noticed more anti-British sentiment on Russian television. For example, I saw a report the other day where the reporter claimed that over the last few centuries, Britain has had it in for Russia and they listed all the things over the last few hundred years that Britain has done to Russia. So we have seen that, but from the public, I have not noticed really any rise in anti-British sentiment. And also, Russian government officials are still talking to the BBC. We get comments from the Foreign Ministry, from the Parliament, so - which is important because, as I say, it is important for us to be able to listen to what Russia's argument is and then include that in our pieces.
Samira Ahmed: Steve Rosenberg, thank you.
Steve Rosenberg: Thanks.
Thursday, 15 March 2018
Taking on Putin
While helping police with their inquiries, a story about me popped up on REN TV, a network that is said to be close to the FSB. The website said that I may be charged with vandalism for the attack on the Nemtsov shrine. I had once met Nemtsov, a brave and very funny critic of Putin. I dedicated my novel about modern Russia, Cold, to him. The idea that I would vandalise a Nemtsov shrine is nonsense.
P.S.
Saturday, 10 October 2015
Thursday
British public opinion on Europe is a bit like a Christmas cracker. You have 30% on the end that believe we should leave come what may. You have 30% in the middle that are undecided. And at the other end you have 30% that is quite keen on remaining.
I’ve presented for the World Service, and written for Vice, The Observer, New Statesman and blogged for the Huffington Post.
Sunday, 30 August 2015
Of Profs, Putin, pro-EU MPs and Prokofiev
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Boats |
Europe is facing a mass influx of refugees from outside the region for the first time in its history, as people flee persecution and conflict in countries such as Syria and Iraq. And its politicians are struggling to find a coherent response.
At the European level, the EU's supposed common asylum and immigration policy has been stretched to breaking point. While politicians and the media have inappropriately characterised this as a "migrant crisis", the overwhelming majority of people are coming from refugee-producing countries.
Europe has a proud history of protecting refugees - it created the modern refugee regime after the Holocaust. This tradition is under threat.
Europe needs to provide asylum, but it also needs to take a global perspective. Only a tiny proportion of the world's 20 million refugees come to Europe...
Although not a substitute for sanctuary in Europe, the EU needs a comprehensive global refugee policy. The response must include better cooperation within the EU among the 28 states on sharing responsibility within Europe.
It has to include articulating to the public why we should take refugees ourselves - in terms of ethics, law, economic and cultural benefits, and the symbolic importance of reciprocity.
But it also requires a plan for how to sustainably support refugees in other parts of the world.
Alongside him was migration expert Elizabeth Collett, whose Twitter feed reveals that she comes from a similar standpoint to Professor Betts (and a firmly pro-EU one to boot).
And alongside both of them was a Conservative MP (one of the most liberal and pro-EU), Damian Green, who made somewhat liberal-sounding comments on the issue today.
That followed yet another long interview with a migrant, where the migrant's story of suffering was aired at length but barely questioned.
His story could, of course, very well be true, but how was Shaun Ley to be sure? How were we as listeners to be sure either?
None of which exactly assuages our qualms about the BBC's coverage of the migrant crisis, does it?
Barbie and Ken |
And for the sake of completeness...
...then came a segment on the exploitation of the Arctic in the wake of climate change (a very BBC subject) - especially Russia's planned exploitation of the Arctic.
An indigenous type from Canada denounced governments and corporations for exploiting the effects of global warming. A non-Putin-supporting Russian reporter (based in Norway) then teed up the section specifically focusing on Russia by saying that Russia didn't rank 'climate change' as very important in connection with the Arctic. And then someone from the Obama administration added his five-cents-worth about Putin's intended expansion into the region (in a strikingly non-committal [one might almost say appeasing] fashion, despite Shaun Ley's questions tempting him to say something critical of Russia).
If The World This Weekend had been broadcast on the internet a million Krembots would have instantly descended on it, like wolves on Peter's ill-fated duck (a reference for any Prokofiev fans out there).
Sunday, 7 June 2015
Caroline in Putinland
And it also allowed me to triumph again at the popular game of Sunday Bingo by having a Muslim representative (this time speaking with a strong meerkat accent) assert (without challenge) that there's no such thing as extreme or radical Islam and that people like Islamic State aren't true Muslims (#it'snothingtodowithIslam, #bingo!).
Saturday, 11 April 2015
Exposing Putin TV
Sunday, 11 May 2014
A Potted History of Ukraine's Russian-speaking Minority
Ethnic Russians make up 8 million thereabouts out of Ukraine's total population of 46 million and they are concentrated in three areas - Donetsk in the east, next door to Russia; Crimea, down in the south; and Odessa to the west, next to the border with Romania - and all three regions were once part of something called the Black Sea Steppe, which was a great sweep of empty prairie which was fought over by all the neighbouring powers until Catherine the Great finally managed to prize it away from the Ottomans and called it 'New Russia'.
It is Crimea that identifies itself far the most closely with Russia. It's the only place with a clear majority of ethnic Russians. It's home to the Black Sea Fleet is Sevastopol. The Tsarist aristocracy built themselves summer palaces here and in Soviet days it was where every Stakhanovite worker and party apparatchik dreamed of retiring, and it's this patriotic Soviet elite and their descendants who still make up quite a big proportion of the population; hence it wasn't a great surprise when Putin was able to annex the peninsula almost unopposed.
Donetsk is completely different. It's a depressed industrial area and the provincial capital was founded in the 1870s by a Merthyr Tydfil ironmaster called John Hughes who sank the first mines o the invitation of the Tsar, and until the Russian Revolution the city was actually called Yuzovka after him. And when you drive through the countryside round about it looks a bit like you imagine 19th Century Wales looked - one minute you're passing slagheaps and pitheads and the next it's wooden cottages and plump ladies selling tomatoes from the side of the road. And the towns where the fighting is going on at the moment, like Sloviansk, have hardly moved on since the economic collapse of the '90s. And I got to a place called Yenakiieve just as a shift was ending at the local steel mill and it was like stepping into a Lowry painting. At the end of the main street these great brick chimneys loomed up and out of the main gates, which were still emblazoned with the hammers and sickles, this crowd of men was streaming in their filthy boiler suits with blackened faces and red eyes. And Yenakiieve's lucky because the mill is still open and the towns where the local factories closed are called 'dead towns'.
The split between Donetsk and Kiev isn't just about nationality. It's also about the new middle class - there are people who are are taking holidays abroad, using the internet - and the old left-behind working class. A third of all Ukrainians have never left their home province, and in the Donetsk region that's nearer a half. So for them Western Ukraine really does feel like a foreign country and it's not so surprising that Putin's utterly grotesque propaganda about Western Ukrainians all being a bunch of bloodthirsty fascists has traction.
Odessa is a port city. It's multi-ethnic. It was settled by a whole raft of different nationalities in the late 1700s and then it boomed all through the 19th Century, exporting grain to the Mediterranean and beyond. So Odessans see themselves as business-minded and as not being interested in politics and, hence, the dreadful shock at those deaths in the trades union building. When I got to that building a couple of days later the public was just being allowed to wander around freely and people were laying flowers here and there among the debris. One British journalist had stones thrown at him, but a man just said to me, sadly, "This is stupidity. Look, this is not Odessa".
Will Donetsk and Odessa go the same way as Crimea? That depends on Putin but I think, if left to themselves, not. First, neither Donetsk nor Odessa has a Russian majority, an ethnic Russian majority, and polls show a large majority of Russian speakers overall in Ukraine wanting the country to stay united, and a recent one by the Pew Research Center shows only 27% wanting regions to be allowed to break away. And this referendum, this pseudo-referendum, today will doubtless try to show that Russian support is much larger but from what I've seen what Ukraine's Russians want is not a change of passport but better government, a better standard of living, and even when you speak to the small minority of extremists - the guys with the baseball bats in the balaclavas - what they harangue you about, first and foremost, are the same things that all Ukrainians, and for that matter all Russians, complain about - unemployment, corruption, wretched pay and pensions, useless politicians - and it's these, not the language issues, not the nationality issues, that Ukraine has to fix if it's going to hang together. Will Putin give it time to do that? We don't know.
Tuesday, 4 March 2014
Chicken Kiev, the BBC and Russia
Senator McCain described himself as "disappointed".
...so it was probably a good thing then that Mr Bolton bolted just before the interview began (due to a prior engagement), or we would have heard the same views twice.
Yes, Alexander Nekrassov got all of the disapproving challenges while Sir Ming was allowed to do his thing in piece (with one half-hearted devil's advocate question being asked, for 'balance'.)
Putin's calculating claim to be the leader of world conservatism last year, his outwitting of Obama over war in Syria (a war most people dreaded), his utter lack of political correctness, his machismo, his heavy-handedness with Greenpeace, all these things (and many more) seem to be winning him hordes of admirers (or half-admirers) across the right-leaning ends of the webosphere.
Whenever I read the comments at The Telegraph, The Spectator, The Daily Mail, Biased BBC, etc, I'm struck by the sheer width (if not depth) of such support for the Russian leader. (There are, of course, plenty of exceptions too).
That being the case, it's hardly surprising to find the largely left-leaning (or, at the very least, firmly non-right-leaning) BBC recoiling in horror at Putin and everything he stands for (or pretends to stand for).
The current crisis in Ukraine is raising tensions across the right-leaning webosphere though. Some are aghast that so many right-wing commenters are actively backing Putin's military intervention in Ukraine. (And something similar seems to be going on on the Left too.)
At this point I should tell you where I stand [as, on the blogosphere, everyone must have an opinon] but, frankly, I'm all over the place on this. The world is becoming a very confusing place.
A few years back, I was appalled at Putin's canny filleting of Georgia and its nice pro-Western president. Then it transpired that my black and white views were probably misguided. That nice president turned out to be corrupt and authoritarian and unpopular (albeit full of redeeming contradictions too), and maybe the people in the break-away regions (who Putin so cleverly exploited) did have some legitimate grievances at the way the Georgians had treated them after all.
That taught me a lesson.
Today's situation in Ukraine has parallels. It's 'shades of grey' all the way, and I feel deeply conflicted about it.
On the one hand, it's a case of Ukrainians (many right-leaning) crying out for democracy and probity in public office against a corrupt post-Soviet (former) president with a strong air of stupidity, venality and brutality about him, who imprisoned opposition leaders and grew increasing undemocratic, then rising up against him and being killed (in some numbers) by brutal state security forces, before eventually triumphing.
It's like 1989 all over again (and I loved 1989).
The Russian invasion is, therefore, a case of The Empire Striking Back, and Putin's claims that the new government is 'fascist' and anti-Semitic are clearly a calculated exaggeration.
Plus, and probably not incidentally, 'Russians invading places' is a concept I've spent decades holding to be, self-evidently, 'a bad thing', and the former KGB-man obviously also has a keen interest in permanently securing Russia's naval base in Crimea (especially given the closing of his 'Syria option') and keeping Ukraine tied into his energy policy.
On the other hand, those far-right, anti-Semites who spearheaded the violence against the Yanukovych government, and forced it out, do exist.
Despite Edward Lucas of The Economist's suggestion (can't remember where I read it) that such elements might be a Putin false flag, I've seen that Gabriel Gatehouse (BBC) report showing that such people really do exist (in some numbers) and I've followed Harry's Place (like Sue) enough to know that the nationalist Svoboda party does contain anti-Semites, and it now holds four government seats (including the defence ministry). I'm not comfortable with that. Svoboda (like Hungary's Jobbik) isn't just a Russian false flag. Such people exist, and there are more and more of them around.
Plus the new government did rise up against a democratically-elected government and then immediately passed (without any democratic mandate) a law restricting the use of the Russian language. Putin (and his people) might well regard that in an unfavourable light.
Shades of grey everywhere, eh? (And probably more than fifty of them).
tl;dr too, eh?